From: [f--ca--t] at [paranoia.com] (Tommy Ranks)
Newsgroups: talk.politics.drugs,alt.drugs,rec.drugs.misc
Subject: Drug Czar Press Briefing (long)
Date: 2 May 1996 01:44:17 GMT

found at: http://www2.whitehouse.gov/WH/html/briefroom.html

April 29, 1996

PRESS BRIEFING BY GENERAL BARRY MCCAFFREY 



                               THE WHITE HOUSE

                        Office of the Press Secretary
                           (Coral Gables, Florida)
_____________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                           April 29, 1996

                                PRESS BRIEFING
                                     BY 
                           GENERAL BARRY MCCAFFREY

                              The Biltmore Hotel
                            Coral Gables, Florida

12:25 P.M. EDT
                
                
                GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  I thought perhaps I'd make a couple of 
opening remarks and then respond to your own interests.
                
                The news strategy we came here to Miami to unveil is focused 
around five goals.  We got the government involved over the space of the last 
seven weeks in writing it.  There were several iterations of it, we wanted to 
make it more coherent, easier to follow and to clearly be constructed around 
these five pillars.  Then underneath those goals we have supporting 
objectives.  We have attempted to define these supporting objectives so that 
they lend themselves to accountability of funds, programs, resources.  Now, at 
some point we need measures of effectiveness of those objectives, so that's 
where we're going.
                
                We came here to Miami because in a lot of ways you can learn 
how to effectively address a problem here in Miami.  A lot of the concepts 
that are working elsewhere, some of them started here or were certainly given 
prominence.  One of them I would go to is the majority -- over 50 percent of 
the companies here in Miami have drug policies, so they understand that it's 
part of the workplace concern to address this issue. 
                
                Of most importance, and the reason we selected this school to 
go to, is that drug education here in this city goes from K through 12 -- that 
it isn't just the DARE program, fifth and sixth grades, it isn't just the 
programming that high school junior or seniors -- but it goes from K through 
12.
                
                And then, finally, we've seen enormous success here.  You 
know, and all these numbers are arguable.  But probably drug use in Miami has 
gone from a disaster down to half of a disaster.  No one is satisfied with it.  
Now, I spent Thursday and Friday wandering around MIami listening to some of 
these programs -- Espera, the Family Health Care Center, et cetera.  No one is 
satisfied with where they are, but they've made remarkable progress.
                
                Now, we also came here to Miami because we wanted to try and 
capture as much attention of the country as we could.  We wanted to understand 
that there is a strategy.  We wanted to underscore that if you back off the 
problem and look at it in a 15-year time frame, that we have made enormous 
progress.  People are surprised when I say this, but drug use in America has 
come down by about half, from 22 million to 11 to 12 million over the last 15 
years.
                
                The use of cocaine, in terms of the number of people using it, 
has plummeted.  And, indeed, it continued to come back down in the last few 
years.  The death of -- the tragic death of Len Bias in some ways was a gift 
to American young people.  

             
             But having said all that, we wanted to underscore 
that goal number one of the five-goal strategy is to focus on 
motivating American youth to reject illegal drugs and substance 
abuse.  And this is the priority of the program.  It's one of 
five goals, but it has clearly got to be the priority.  And we 
are concerned about it.  There is no question that we have had 
probably a doubling in the rate of use of illegal drugs by young 
people.  And we're also seeing it start as early as the sixth 
grade.

             The second goal we laid out was reduce crime-related 
violence as an aspect of the drug epidemic.  So one of the 
slogans I will offer for people's consideration is:  If you don't 
like crime, then you will like drug treatment programs for those 
involved in the criminal justice system.  There's three main 
chronic addicts, they commit a disproportionate amount of the 
crime in America.  One of the numbers we use is 170 crimes per 
year.  And so we have to go there and deal with that problem.  We 
cannot have effective law enforcement unless we combine it with 
an intelligent drug treatment and prevention program for those in 
the criminal justice system. 

             Our other approaches, of course, acknowledge the 
importance of reducing the costs of drug abuse.  It dominates 
many of the other social challenges in America.  It's $20 billion 
in the health care system is directly related to illegal drugs.  
But it is clearly an aspect of a lot of other social ills.  It's 
a good part of the AIDS epidemic.  It's a good piece of the 
problem with child abuse, et cetera.

             The last two parts of the strategy are:  shield 
America's air, land, and sea frontiers.  Great argument.  How 
effective is this?  Does it relate directly in some algorithm to 
the cost and availability of drugs?  Maybe not.  But I'll tell 
you flat out, that we took 200 metric tons of cocaine away from 
drug criminals, somewhere between the Chipari and Inagua Valley 
and the streets of America -- 200 metric tons, a third of the 
total drugs that are produce.  
             
             And we're going to have to keep it up.  And we're 
going to have to keep it up understanding that it is not just 
cocaine we're facing.  There is a whole series of other drugs 
--methamphetamine, Rohypnol.  We're seeing heroin now coming back 
in ever-increasing amounts, higher purity, lower cost.      We 
consumed now 13 metric tons of heroin.  Again, another 
devastating cost to America.  

             The Attorney General, Janet Reno, outlined another 
strategy, and DEA Administrator Tom Constantine has really been 
in the lead on this, which is to get the point on methamphetamine 
before it becomes the poor man's cocaine of the late 1990s.  
That's where this thing is going.  So we're finding it popping up 
around the country.  And Tome Constantine brought together the 
police officials, the health care guys, and we had a conference 
on it.  We tried to understand what is going on.  It's an 
absolutely devastating drug.  
             
             One of the problems is, you can make it anywhere.  
You can make it in rural Iowa.  You can make it Mexico.  And it 
has just got an abysmal effect on people.  They're up for 15 days 
straight, awake, and then crashing for 5 days, and getting 
increasingly paranoid.  They're enormously dangerous to law 
enforcement officials under the influence of methamphetamine.  So 
it's one of the many new challenges that we can't let get settled 
in America before we respond to it.  So Janet Reno stepped 
forward and outlined some thinking, supporting strategy on 
methamphetamine.  

             Finally, I'll just wrap up by telling you, I think 
the bottom line to the strategy is this:  It is a 10-year 
program, it is not a war campaign.  It's a 10-year commitment to 
confronting the issue.  The second aspect of it is, it is a 
systems approach.  There are five goals.  You can't choose one of 
them to do.  You can't do either drug treatment or interdiction.  
You have to have some coherent strategy to address the problem.  


             And then finally, if you'll allow me to say it, I 
think one of the biggest challenges we face is that we lost our 
common-sense optimism that we can organize ourselves and address 
the problem.  This is not a difficult issue to face up to.  
Unlike a lot of things in life, this lends itself, in our 
judgment, to getting organized and to doing hard work over time.  
And there are a lot of things in life that don't necessarily 
respond to hard work and organization, but this isn't one of 
them.

             Now I will go on on Wednesday to release the Gallup 
Poll at the National Press Club.  January, February of this year, 
we commissioned a Gallup Poll to go out and do a Consult With 
America and ask Americans what are they thinking about on this 
issue, what's their own viewpoint.  I think it's helpful and it 
will underscore the common sense, thank God, of the American 
people.  

             On that note, what are your own interests?  And I'll 
be glad to respond to your questions.  

             Q    Where is methamphetamine most common in this 
country?  The President said that you don't see it down here in 
Miami.  Where are you seeing it? 

             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  For years -- it's been around 
for a long time -- it was a California biker drug, and therefore 
associated with, sort of, gang violence. It was a California 
drug.  It's now -- again, the numbers are suspect -- probably 
half of it is being produced in Mexico, half of it up here.  And 
it's showing up in odd places.  It's in some rural parts of the 
middle of our country.  But it's not everywhere.  It's not in 
Washington, D.C. and it's not in Miami.  It's enormously 
inexpensive to make this stuff.  And I might add it's also one of 
the most dangerous chemical process of any of these illegal 
drugs, a terrible environmental hazard.
             
             So there's no rhyme nor reason to where 
methamphetamine are showing up, but it's cheap and incredibly 
dangerous.
             
             Q    Critics -- Republicans and other critics have 
been citing the increased use of marijuana among teenagers, high 
school students, as evidence that the President's policies on 
drugs are not working.  What do you think about that charge; and, 
if that is not the reason, why is marijuana use going back up so 
dramatically?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Well, you know, marijuana use 
among young people is going to be a major challenge to all of us.  
And part of the challenge is there are 90 million Americans who 
have used illegal drugs.  I mean, there was an age of revolution, 
a lot of good came out of it, the Vietnam generation.  And one 
thing that didn't stay with us that was productive was the use of 
illegal drugs.  Marijuana was one of them.
             
             And, without overstating it, most people who are 
expert in the field are absolutely persuaded that the use of 
marijuana, this three to five times higher THC concentrations 
than 20 years ago, by adolescents in particular is devastating to 
their physical and emotional growth.  And what I would also lay 
on the table is, you know, having been a undergraduate engineer, 
that while I don't imply a scientific causal relationship, the 
statistical relationship between marijuana use by young people 
and later problems in life are enormous.
             
             The one that I cite, since it's such a clean-cut 
number is, if you smoke marijuana and you're age 12, the chances 
of you having a significant drug addiction problem later on in 
life are 79 times greater than if you didn't.  Now, again, 
there's no scientific causal relationship stated there.  But if 
you're a statistician you better buy into the fact that this 
sounds like something you don't want your kids doing.  And that's 
where we've got to take that message.
             
             But it's parents and school teachers who have got to 
take the message.  We've got to find the people -- the religious 
leaders, the coaches, the folks that young people trust and look 
up to for standards.
             
             Q    Why, in your view, is it going up; and is it 
related to what --
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  I think it's going up for 
probably a lot of reasons.  One of them I just offered was 90 
million Americans have used illegal drugs and walked away from it 
and said it's not for me.  They left behind a lot of casualties 
when they did it.  
             
             But I think there's probably been a reluctance on 
the part of some parents to understand that even though you drove 
drunk while you were a student at U-CAL in 1970, that doesn't say 
that you're not to step forward now and tell your own children 
that this is enormously dangerous.  And I think the same thing is 
going to have to go on with marijuana.  But it's not only 
marijuana.  It's also sniffing inhalants, it's using cocaine, 
it's alcohol abuse, which may be, again, one of the biggest 
challenges to the university population.
             
             So we're seeing young people with a greatly 
increased predisposition to drug and alcohol abuse.  And that's 
going to predictably yield a giant crop of violence and addiction 
down the line.  Make no mistake about it, that mathematical 
relationship is fairly well understood.  So that's why we're 
going to focus on youth.
             
             Q    I'm pretty sure you've addressed this before 
but, frankly, I don't remember what the administration's 
statements have been.  Is it the administration view that it was 
a mistake early in the Clinton presidency to cut the Office of 
Drug Control and they regret that, or just that circumstances 
have changed?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Look, when they came into office 
-- and there's an element that I completely agree with -- their 
feeling was two things.  One, they needed to gain some manpower 
savings in government and they were looking for places to cut.  
And the second thesis they advanced was if you want to make 
progress on an issue as complex as drugs, you've got to make the 
other Secretaries sign up for it.  And so they elevated the Drug 
Czar's position to Cabinet-level staff and cut the staff.  
             
             It didn't work out.  You can't monitor 50 federal 
agencies, you can't listen to 17,000 city governments, you can't 
deal with 3,000 counties, effectively.  Now, right now I will 
tell you flat out, since my appointment we're getting 15,000 
letters a month, we're getting 6,000 phone calls a month.  I'm 
trying to sort out where the senators' and congressmen's letters 
are in the piles.  
             
             So this is a big program.  It's an important 
program.  And now the full support of the President, the Vice 
President, OMB and Congress -- I went down to Congress to make 
the case now.  Senator Hatch and Biden and Rangel and Zeliff have 
played a very important role in this.  They gave us some money to 
create a management team of about 154 people.  So we think now 
we're going to put together what we need to respond to the 
federal law on it.  That's really what we have to do.
             
             Q    Can you give us the specifics of what Attorney 
General Reno was talking about, the methamphetamine 
legislation --    
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  We've put together a strategy, 
and I'll be glad to give you a copy of it, and we've been working 
that for the last several weeks.  It's based primarily upon the 
conference that Tom Constantine paneled.  
             
             And we've come up with a series of initiatives.  
And, again, we took the methamphetamine as the challenge and 
tried to see how is it produced, where is it coming from, what 
are its medical effects.  And we got HHS involved in it.  We have 
EPA involved in it.  But we came up with what we think is an 
approach to address every aspect of it.  That will include new 
penalties to recognize that this thing probably rivals crack 
cocaine in its potential danger.

             We have got to control -- this has a different set 
of precursor drugs:  ephedrine and other things.  We've got to 
figure out how do you control these things.  They're used in cold 
medicines and things like that.  How are going to get a handle on 
where the precursor drugs are coming from?  So I'll give you a 
copy of it, but we think it's a decently thought out, 
comprehensive way to go at this problem before it gets on center 
stage. 

             Q    I know you said that it would be irresponsible 
to make this a political issue.  Do you think that that's -- is 
it too late for that?  I mean, isn't it already a political 
issue? 

             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Look, I'll tell you, I just got 
into office on 1 March.  I went down to the Hill.  I have -- this 
campaign didn't start with my appointment.  That's the first 
thing I got to underscore.  There are literally hundreds of 
thousands of people around America who know a ton about these 
issues and are already working on them, and a lot of them are in 
Congress.  
             
             There is no question in my mind that Senator Biden 
and Congressman Rangel in the House, Senator Nunn -- Senator 
Hatch has been probably the stalwart keeping the issue on the 
table, a Republican Senator.  Bill Zeliff, a Republican 
Congressman in the House, Mr. Hastert -- and I will also tell you 
I got a call from Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich and he said, 
Barry, we will support on a bipartisan basis this issue.  So I 
don't think so.

             I mean, it seems to me what is at stake here is some 
kind of partnership to get sensible policies, adequate funding 
-- demand accountability.  Now, we don't have credibility in some 
of the subcomponents of this strategy, meaning we haven't made 
the case adequately.  So that's where we're going with it, and I 
think I have got a very responsible and cooperative leadership 
I'm working with.  

             Q    Another point, General, when the President puts 
forward or trumpets this new strategy well into the fourth year 
of his Presidency, doesn't it make it politically suspect? 

             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  What do you want him to do?  I 
mean, you either want him -- expect leadership or you don't want 
him -- of course, we want him to carry out leadership.  Now, 
again, I'll be honest with you, I think the President of the 
United States and the Vice President, Janet Reno and Dr. Perry 
and Tom Constantine and Louis Freeh and the rest of these people 
are -- they're parents and they're responsible people and of 
course they're committed.  The question is, what are we supposed 
to do about it.  That's a legitimate question.  

             And, you know, Senator Dole has been one of my 
personal heroes for years.  Of course he is committed to this 
issue.  So I think what I'm going to have to do is to tell the 
Congress, hold us accountable now and make us come back and 
explain what we're doing with the policy and the resources you 
give us.  And that's a charge I'll take on.  

             Q    General, isn't the government already doing all 
the things it says here in the strategy; and can you cite a few 
things that you are actually doing, that's actually new, and that  
we're not doing? 

             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Yes, everything in the strategy 
is already being done, absolutely.  There is no magic jujitsu 
solution in the drug issue. There is no question that drug 
treatment, prevention, education, interdiction and law 
enforcement have fundamentally been part of the solution from the 
start.  

             So the new drug strategy probably makes more 
coherent and easier to follow that fact, and it also demands not 
only that you see a system there, but demands that you see a 
longitudinal approach to it, that you can't expect this to be a 
punchy campaign.  That's why I've had such a problem with the 
metaphor on war, to be honest.  
             
             The language is vivid, it's colorful, it implies 
progress; but, unfortunately, it's inadequate to deal with what 
we're talking about.  And I suspect it may be more helpful to 
those of us involved in it to talk about it in terms of cancer, 
in which you've got root cause, and you have to treat that, you 
still have to manage the pain of the whole issue.  You've got to 
have a holistic approach.  

             So I think your point is a good one.  I don't think 
the new drug strategy has new tricks in it.  It's a coherent, 
broad-based systemic approach to the problem.  

             Q    How did you come up with the 10-year time 
frame? 

             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Well, pick a number.  What it 
can't be is a year.  It can't be a year.  And since we're dealing 
with a generation of youth at risk, in 10 years -- first of all, 
it takes three years to affect the budget system of the United 
States.  It gets five years for an idea to become fixed in the 
American public's mind.  And we've got to work on this thing, it 
seems to me, for half a generation.  I want us to understand that 
this is a permanent commitment to young people, a permanent 
commitment to a balanced approach to the problem.  

             We don't need to put up with the levels of violence, 
of health care cost, of destruction of families and neighborhoods 
that came upon us in the late '60s.  We do not need to continue 
to tolerate that kind of violence to our society.  And a lot of 
people are doing something about it, to include right here in 
Miami, to include New York City.  It is astounding the progress 
they're making.

             Two years ago, I drove around with the New York 
undercover counter-narcotics guys, and it was a nightmare.  I 
came back and did it last week, with the same police lieutenant, 
and it's measurably better.  It's still a devastating consequence 
on parts of New York City, but it's absolutely moving in the 
right direction.  So we can do something about it.

             Q    With the mandatory minimum sentence for 
possessing methamphetamine, do you anticipate that causing a 
similar increase in the prison populations that the mandatory 
minimum sentences for crack cocaine caused? 

             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Well, you know, the whole 
sentencing issue is one that I have to learn a lot more about.   
But let me, if I may, suggest two things.  The first, it seems to 
me unarguable, is that effective law enforcement is a 
prerequisite to drug treatment and prevention programs working.  
They don't work in isolation.  You have to ask the police 
officers of America to enforce the law.  And if you've got that, 
then drug education programs start having some meaning and drug 
treatment programs start having a hammer that is associated with 
the reward.

             By the way, I got a wonderful line.  I went to this 
drug court here and listened to them several hours.  One of the 
lines I got that made a big impact on me was, nobody in America 
wants to be a drug addict.  Some people want to be criminals, but 
nobody wants to be addicted to drugs, it is absolute misery.  So 
law enforcement is clearly part of the effort.
             
             Now, the second part, observation I'd make is we've 
got a million Americans in jail right now at state and local 
level, and 100,000 in the federal system.  An explosion in the 
number of people under arrest.  And contrary to -- you know, 
sometimes they're in there for simple drug possession, that ain't 
the case.  That's for drug-related violence, crime, drug dealing, 
et cetera.  If you extrapolate those numbers out, it's going to 
get a lot bigger.  That is not the solution.  We will not arrest 
our way out of the drug problem.
             
             So that's why the strategy, it seems to me, is so 
important.  For those of you that were mathematics people, the 
prison population is a dependant variable.  That is not an 
initiative.  You can't talk about spending dollars on prisons or 
drug treatment.  You've got to pay for the prison and law 
enforcement systems.  If you want it to not have another million 
Americans behind bars, we've got to do the other aspects of the 
strategy.  So that's where the priorities are.
             
             Q    This nine percent increase, can you tell us 
where it's going?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Yes.  I have a handout that you 
may find useful.  We tried to put it in pie chart form and show 
you exactly how the '96 enacted budget -- following the numbers 
has been tough for me to finally puzzle through.
             
             What I would offer is, look at the '96 enacted 
money, and then look at the '97 proposed budget.  And then follow 
where we go with it.  On Wednesday I'll go down and submit the 
strategy to a Senate hearing.  And then the mark-up July, August 
time frame -- September, whatever -- will be the '97 budget.
             
             So we've got a pretty good piece of paper that will 
lay out the numbers for you.
             
             Q    I should clarify, since you mentioned Senator 
Dole -- and I'm told he's going to be talking about drugs later 
this afternoon at a political event -- when you said, don't 
politicize this issue, it's too important, were you specifically 
thinking of the presidential campaign and him?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  I think that we need a 
partnership with Congress, and that the issue has to be a 
bipartisan approach.  And I have had every indication that that's 
how they're going to respond to me.
             
             You know, the Senate unanimously confirmed me in 
office, and that was Senator Trent Lott, Senator Dole and John 
Warner.  So I don't think we have anything but a commitment to a 
bipartisan approach in the drug issue.
             
             Q    You must have thought it was enough of a 
concern to mention it as a, please don't do this.
             

             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  What I'm saying is that we can't 
move forward unless this is an issue on the defense of the 
American people.  And I have every indication from personal 
contact on the Hill that that's the way it will move.  I am 
absolutely astounded and my morale has been raised by the kind of 
support that they're telling me.  And I take the Speaker of the 
House at his word, I've known him for years.
             
             Q    How specifically has President Clinton dealt 
with the issue of drugs, as opposed to President Bush in the 
past?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  I didn't hear you.
             
             Q    How has President Clinton dealt differently in 
his attack on drugs than President Bush?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Well, I don't know that I'm a 
good person to answer that.  I worked very, very closely to the 
whole Bush administration on national security issues.
             
             What I'll tell you is, without question is that 
we're better off today.  We know more about what's going on 
today.  We have sensible programs in place today that didn't 
exist ten years ago.  Now, a lot of these started, you know, 
under previous administrations.  So the last three presidents 
have all been committed to this issue.  I think, you know, I 
thought the world of President Bush.  I asked him for his advice 
coming into this job.  He sent me a wonderful letter.  And I'm 
asking for the guidance and sort of oversight of U.S. national 
leadership.  He's still part of it.
             
             Q    General, if ten years is the timeline, what is 
the goal at the end of that ten years?  Can you give us a little 
bit of specifics about what you would like to see in terms of 
reduction in use?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Yes.  You know, I was strongly 
advised to not write down a guideline because it might look like 
another cheap slogan.  But I will offer you as a thought, there 
is no reason why we can't return America to a 1960's level, a 
pre-Vietnam era level of drug use.  We won't achieve total 
victory on drugs.  We shouldn't expect that.  We can't take every 
heroin or crack addict and cure them necessarily of their 
addiction.  But we darned sure should expect to reduce the number 
of young people by enormous amounts and to reduce the damage that 
this epidemic does by great amounts.
             
             And, oh, by the way, we are confident that there are 
treatment programs that can take the 3 million hard-core drug 
addicts and provide them systemic support that will make them 
less of a threat to our population, to our health care system.  
So if you'd asked me for a target, let's go back to pre-Vietnam 
level -- eras -- of illegal drugs.
             
             Q    What about --
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  We've got numbers that will, you 
know -- let me give you a number.  It used to be in New York City 
-- I wish I had this exact -- there were 300 murders a year in 
the city and then it went up to -- we'll have to give you the 
number.  The NYPD just told me.  It was like 3,000 or 4,000.  
That's what we have to turn around.  Why should, you know, 
neighborhoods look like bombed-out sections of a European 
battlefield.  That's drugs.  And we can drop that enormously.
             
             Q    General, can you address the issue of Mexico?  
How significant a problem is Mexico, interdiction -- what do you 
plan to do about it?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Well, you know, I would put it 
in this perspective.  Mexico isn't the problem; the drugs are.  
And both Mexico and the United States are fundamentally 
threatened, as are our democratic institutions, by this 
incredible corrupting influence of drug money by the enormous 
violence that drug criminals are willing to employ and by the 
sophistication with which they ignore international frontiers.  
They are an international coalition based on greed.
             
             And so what we have committed ourselves to doing, 
we've got some -- we think President Zedillo, his opposition 
party Attorney General Lozano, the Minister of Defense Cervantes 
-- we think the leadership of the Mexican government is committed 
to protecting the Mexican people from the influence of drugs, to 
protecting their own young people.  There's a crime wave going on 
in Mexico City that's simply astounding.  And we've said we will 
work with you as part of a binational cooperation -- and, again, 
not to solve the problem this year, but to commit ourselves to 
steady, concrete goals which we will achieve.  That's what we're 
going to do with Mexico.
             
             Q    As a follow-up to that, the greatest increase 
in the budget, which is in the handout, is in international 
programs -- 25 percent, two and a half times the rest of the 
stuff.  Why is there such an emphasis on that now?
             
             GENERAL MCCAFFREY:  Well, I think the -- if there 
are two priorities, two easy things to do, one is to go to youth.  
If you run effective drug education prevention programs based on 
the family, schools, religious institutions and coaches, we will 
inoculate ourselves against the drug menace.  So that's one 
priority.  The other one is go to the places where they produce 
the drugs -- international programs -- and cut back on the impact 
of our demand on their society.
             
             And let me just you tell you flat out, if you think 
we've got a drug problem, you've got to go to downtown Bogota, 
Rio, Caracas, Mexico, Panama to see the impact of the drug 
menace.  It is killing their societies, too.
             
             So we are not in this alone and what we have 
suggested is that we have to create an international coalition to 
protect the democracies that are under internal attack from this.  
But their children are also at risk.  And so that's another one.
             
             And I might add, though, that's a pretty modest 
piece of the budget.  If you look at the budget, the $15.1 
billion -- one of the other things I've asked the House 
Appropriations Committee to consider is right now by law I'm 
required to explain how we spent the money in terms of demand and 
supply.  By law, I have to tell them.  And the answer is 67 
percent and 33 percent -- 67 percent, supply; 33 percent, demand.  
But it's completely misleading because it covers -- 55 percent is 
in law enforcement and prisons.
             
             So we've -- we're going to suggest to the Congress, 
you need to hold us accountable for money in four areas:  
interdiction, demand-supply -- demand and supply, and law 
enforcement.  And you'll get a better picture on how we're 
expending these resources you've given us.  And I think we'll 
probably do that, too.
             
             The final thing on budgets, if you'll allow me to 
say it is, we're going to have a debate this year about this drug 
strategy, and by next year what I would suggest to the country, 
to the Congress, to all of us we serve, is that we don't need a 
drug strategy every year.  We need a drug strategy that is 
largely agreed on and guides our actions for ten years.
             
             And what I'd like Congress to ask me to do is to 
come down each year and explain what I did with the money in the 
last year and then submit a five-year budget plan for this 
confrontation with the drug issue and let the debate not just 
cover the '97 budget that starts on 1 October, but to look out 
over the coming years and to be able to influence and shape 
programs out five years.  
             
             That's a way we manage complex businesses, that's a 
way we manage the country's defense, and this issue absolutely is 
even higher salience to the American people.  So those are some 
of the other ideas I'll offer.
             
             I do thank you for the chance to talk to this group. 
Good luck.  Thank you.

            END                        1:00 P.M. EDT


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 Tommy Ranks -- [f--ca--t] at [paranoia.com] -- http://www.paranoia.com/~foucault