From: David O Hunt <[b--o--r] at [CMU.EDU]>
Newsgroups: talk.politics.guns
Subject: WSJ Article forward
Date: Tue, 19 Apr 1994 16:58:14 -0400


[From: [D--Jo--s] at [andrew.cmu.edu]]
[Subject: As Gun Crimes Rise, Britain Considers Cutting Legal Arsenal]
[Date: Tue, 19 Apr 1994 08:09:57 -0400]

Four article segments joined.  No changes other than formatting
of lines and selected highlighting (marked by ALL CAPS) were made.
No sentence in the original post has any words in ALL CAPS.

David Hunt

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  By Kevin Helliker

  Staff Reporter of The Wall Street Journal

  LONDON -- While walking his beat last October, Officer Patrick Dunne
came across three drug dealers. They produced guns. The bobby had only
a wooden truncheon. They laughed as they killed him.

  In a nation so restrictive of guns that most police officers don't
carry them, more and more criminals do. Incidents of armed robbery have
more than doubled since 1983. GUNS ARE BOUGHT ON THE STREET THESE DAYS
AS EASILY AS DRUGS. Last month, a motorcyclist, stopped for a routine
license check here, shot and seriously wounded two police officers, neither
of whom was armed. The attempted holdup of a candy store last month was
committed by a gun-toting assailant described as eight years old.

  A portrait of criminals holding guns on an unarmed populace haunts
the halls of every U.S. gun-control debate. And with the recent enactment
of legislation requiring a five-day waiting period and background check
for handgun purchases -- the so-called Brady bill -- that portrait will
be used to argue against further regulation.

  But in Britain, where criminals increasingly are better armed than
anyone else, lawmakers are considering new ways of reducing the country's
already minimal legal arsenal. Some members of Parliament, for instance,
are arguing that home storage of firearms -- currently illegal without
a license -- ought to be banned.

  THIS GAMBLE IS BASED ON THE PREMISE THAT EVEN CRIMINALS HAVE A SENSE
OF FAIR PLAY. AUTHORITIES CONCEDE THAT REGULATION WON'T KEEP GUNS OUT
OF THE HANDS OF CRIMINALS. But current gun-control laws have worked fairly
well, with 99% of crimes in Britain still involving no firearms. British
officials say they want to preserve the sense among most criminals that
firearms aren't needed. As long as homeowners, shopkeepers and most police
don't carry guns, authorities hope, criminals won't feel the need to
own -- or use -- them. "An armed criminal may be less likely to shoot
if he knows the police aren't armed," says Fran Edwards, spokeswoman
for the Police Federation, a national union.

  Yet disarming the citizenry isn't popular with everyone, especially
at a time of nearly hysterical fear about crime. Britain's crime rate
may be smaller than America's, but by local standards the numbers are
frightening: IN THE PAST DECADE, REPORTED CRIME HAS DOUBLED, AND IT HAS
TRIPLED IN CATEGORIES SUCH AS RAPE AND SERIOUS ASSAULT.

  Any hint of American-style savagery causes alarm in a country that
still prides itself on good behavior. Politicians here frequently point
out that the murder rate is one-fifteenth of America's. But a single
act of brutality can overshadow that statistic, as when two 11-year-old
schoolboys kidnapped and murdered a two-year-old boy last year. With
other slayings at the hands of youths occurring more and more frequently
-- just last month, police charged a 13-year-old with the fatal stabbing
of an 85-year-old woman -- Britain's sense of itself as more civilized
than the U.S. is becoming harder to maintain.

  Some neighborhoods here can be as rough as any street in America, as
discovered this year by some Pennsylvania State University students enrolled
at Britain's Manchester University. After being held up at knifepoint,
then at gunpoint, then beaten up and twice burglarized, they declared
in the national press that they felt more vulnerable in Manchester than
in New York.

  Compared with London, New York is downright safe in one category: burglary.
In London, where many homes have been burglarized half a dozen times,
and where psychologists specialize in treating children traumatized by
such thefts, the rate is nearly twice as high as in the Big Apple. AND
BURGLARS HERE INCREASINGLY PREFER STRIKING WHEN OCCUPANTS ARE HOME, SINCE
ALARMS AND LOCKS TEND TO BE DISENGAGED AND INTRUDERS HAVE LITTLE TO FEAR
FROM UNARMED RESIDENTS.

  Little wonder that there now are serious calls to fight crime with
bullets. Under the headline "When Bad Guys Rule, Shotgun is a Powerful
Answer," a recent opinion article in the Times of London asked: "Would
it not be better if the knife-wielding yobs who are taking over our streets
were simply blown away?" A DAILY TELEGRAPH COLUMN TITLED "MORE GUNS,
MORE SAFETY" ARGUED THAT GUNS ARE NEEDED FOR PROTECTION BECAUSE "LAW
AND ORDER IS BREAKING DOWN."

  Like U.S. proponents of gun control, gun supporters in Britain must
contend with a powerful tradition -- except here it's a tradition of
gun control. Enacted in 1920, Britain's first firearms law arose from
government fear of a Communist revolution. But it did a fine job of curbing
crime: While America experienced armed robberies by the thousands in
the 1950s, here the number rarely topped a dozen.

  The rarity of gun crimes meant that Britain never developed any tolerance
for them. After a few robbers brandished shotguns in the 1960s, Parliament
added shotguns to the list of firearms needing licensing (previously,
just handguns and rifles). Even now, with gun crimes rising, shots here
seem to ring more loudly than in the U.S.

  In England, almost everyone knows the name Michael Ryan: He shot and
killed his own mother and a policeman and 14 others, including himself,
in Hungerford in 1987. Mr. Ryan's firearms certificate allowed him to
own three pistols and two semiautomatic rifles, including the Russian-made
Kalashnikov AK-47 that he used in the slaughter.

  Margaret Thatcher's conservative government responded to the killings
by enacting the most draconian firearms act ever adopted in Britain,
including outlawing semiautomatic weapons altogether.

  In comparison, neither then-President Bush -- a member of the National
Rifle Association -- nor the Congress considered any regulation in the
wake of the worst gun massacre in U.S. history, the killing of 23 at
a Luby's restaurant in Killeen, Texas, in 1991.

  Because local police departments in Britain interpret national firearms
laws differently, requirements for obtaining a license differ from region
to region. But generally, a person wanting a shotgun license -- the easiest
to obtain -- must pay a fee of 17 pounds (about $25) and fill out an
application explaining why and where he plans to use the gun (sport is
acceptable, self-protection isn't), submit a letter from a doctor or
other qualified professional attesting to a sound state of mind and construct
a burglar-proof storage cabinet. After all that, a local police superintendent
can reject the request. The only recourse, an expensive proposition,
is to go to court.

  After the Thatcher government's rules took effect in 1989, the number
of Britons holding certificates for shotguns, handguns or rifles dropped
10% to about 900,000 -- compared with 50 million gun owners in the U.S.
As for total guns in Britain, even the bleakest estimates place the number
well below five million, most of them legally certified, compared with
more than 220 million guns in America. Britain recorded 33 handgun murders
in 1992, compared with more than 13,000 in the U.S.

  STILL, THE NUMBER OF CRIMES INVOLVING FIREARMS ROSE MORE THAN 50% FROM
1982 THROUGH 1992, AND POLICE EXPECT THE INCREASE TO CONTINUE AS INTERNATIONAL
DRUG DEALERS DEEPEN THEIR PENETRATION OF THE BRITISH MARKET. IN A RECENT
RAID OF A SUSPECTED CRIMINAL DEN IN LIVERPOOL, POLICE FOUND A CACHE THAT
INCLUDED THREE KALASHNIKOVS AND ONE ISRAELI-MADE UZI SUBMACHINE GUN,
AS WELL AS AMMUNITION.

  Police say such guns enter the country through the same secretive channels
as drugs. But another source of illegal guns in Britain is the theft
of licensed ones: Burglars nabbed nearly 2,700 guns in 1992.

  Convinced that the best way to control illegal weapons is to tighten
restrictions on legal ones, some members of Parliament have proposed
prohibiting all gun licenses to citizens under 17 (who currently need
the approval of a guardian). In a move that could close scores of gun
clubs and shooting ranges, the government is attempting to strip them
of their charitable status (originally based on the argument that the
clubs helped train the populace to "defend the realm"). And following
some recent murders and suicides involving licensed guns, there is a
proposal to consider banning them from homes, essentially limiting guns
to the sport clubs.

  Gun enthusiasts, as might be expected, are "feeling somewhat besieged,"
says Lord Swansea, a member of the House of Lords and of Britain's National
Rifle Association, a shooting group unconnected to America's NRA.

  For the first time, British gun groups are banding together to try
mustering political clout, in part by threatening to vote against gun
opponents in Parliament. But though they echo the favorite argument of
America's NRA -- that gun regulation disarms everyone except criminals
-- they don't boast its political power. In 1988, for instance, the Thatcher
government "didn't even consult with any legitimate users of guns" before
tightening curbs, grumbles Christopher Brunker, secretary of the Gun
Trade Association.

  "Instead of the shooting community fighting back, there has been far
too much of the gentlemanly, `Oh, we have to make some more concessions,'"
says Colin Greenwood, editor of Guns Review magazine and a leader of
the effort to strengthen the gun lobby here.

  Britain's gun industry isn't that strong, either. The number of dealers
has fallen 10% in recent years, to 2,400. And while no one will estimate
the value of the British gun market, by all accounts it is small and
"on a 5% to 10% decline annually," says Paul Roberts, chairman of John
Rigby & Co., one of several world-renowned shotgun makers in Britain.
The company produces about 50 guns a year, about half of them for overseas
customers. The $6,000 price tag in part reflects the high cost of complying
with regulations, Mr. Roberts says.

  Each sale of a firearm "has to be recorded in a certain way," he says,
"and every round of ammunition that is bought and sold has to be recorded."
Mr. Roberts estimates that such rules have raised his costs 30% in recent
years.

  Despite such complaining, nobody in Britain's gun industry seems to
favor deregulation. Lord Swansea, one of the strongest advocates of gun
rights, says, "You have to keep some sort of tab on ownership of all
guns -- not just handguns."

  In the same breath that Andrew Young, managing director of Browning/Winchest-
er U.K. Ltd., complains about poor sales in Britain, he says he wouldn't
favor arming all bobbies -- even though his company has a contract to
supply guns to them. Currently, about one in 16 British police officers
is trained to use arms, and operates in an elite force that responds
to highly dangerous situations.

  Following the murder of Officer Dunne last October, a Police Review
magazine survey found that only 26% of London police officers favored
department-wide arming. But since that survey, one officer has been knifed
to death and two others shot and wounded. NOW, EVEN TOP ADMINISTRATORS
CONCEDE THAT GUNS EVENTUALLY WILL BECOME A PART OF POLICE EQUIPMENT IN
BRITAIN, one of three countries -- along with Ireland and New Zealand
-- with a mostly unarmed police force.

  The attitude of the courts may also be changing, as illustrated by
the case of Ahmed Muhsen. One night two years ago, three burglars kicked
in the door of a grocery that Mr. Muhsen was guarding in Liverpool and,
despite his warnings, came toward him wielding clubs. Producing a Browning
pistol that he had bought on the street for the equivalent of $45, Mr.
Muhsen fired once, killing one intruder and scaring off the other two.

  At Mr. Muhsen's trial last month on charges of manslaughter and owning
an unlicensed pistol, the judge expressed more outrage at Britain's burglars
than at Mr. Muhsen. "In my view," the judge told the defendant, "your
reaction was one which most people in your position might well have
displayed.-"

  He then sentenced him to a year in prison.